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   were written as cab bob and u mul lil, respectively, on page 16 of the Chumayel. The gaps between the “b’s”
   and “l’s” imply that the consonants were doubled so that the inflectional suffixes could be represented as
   CVC syllables. Other examples of such double consonants in words with VC suffixes are:
   (24)
   Normal spelling Variant spelling
   Phonetic spelling
   Gloss
   haab-ob haab boob
   háʔab’-óʔob’
   years
   y oc-e
   yoc ce
   y òok-eʔ
   as for his toe
   uinic-il uinic cil wíinik-il people
   ah-om ah hom
   ʔàax-om
   he will be awakened
   buul-ob buul lob
   b’úʔul-óʔob’
   beans
   em-al em mal
   ʔem-al
   Emal [name of town]
   16 ORTHOGRAPHY
   hun-ab hun nab
   xun-ab’
   only
   kin-ob kin nob
   k’ìin-ob’
   days
   ɔutulɔut-il
   ɔutul ɔut til
   ȼ’úʔutulȼ’uʔut-il
   niggardly
   ahau-ob ahau uob
   ʔahaw-óʔob’
   rulers
   yax-al yax xaal
   yáʔaš-al
   green
   uay-om uay yom
   way-om
   injured?
   Elsewhere I have interpreted these and other examples of consonantal doubling in the Chumayel as ves-
   tiges of logosyllabic spelling principles that characterized the Precolumbian Maya hieroglyphic script
   (V. Bricker 1985, 1989). They represent an orthographic convention, not consonantal gemination (see
   Chapter 3).
   2.2. VOWELS. Colonial Yucatec had six contrastive vowels: i, u, e, o, a, ə. However, the alphabet used for
   writing Colonial Yucatec contains signs only for the first five vowels; there was no sign for the sixth vowel
   (schwa). Nevertheless, the presence of schwa can be inferred from its variable representation as “a” and
   “i” in the Calepino de Motul and other Colonial sources. By the late nineteenth century, schwa had been
   lowered to /a/ or, in a few cases, raised to /i/ (see 2.3.3. in Chapter 3), leaving Modern Yucatec with only five
   vowels. The other daughter languages of Colonial Yucatec —  Itsaj, Mopan, and Lacandon —  have retained
   schwa (Bruce 1968:19; Hofling 2000:3; Hofling 2011:3).
   A few common nouns whose vowels are doubled or accented in the Calepino de Motul correspond to
   nouns containing a long vowel in Modern Yucatec:
   (25)
   Colonial
   Gloss
   Modern
   Gloss
   ác
   grass
   ʔàak
   grass
   baac
   bone, horn (of deer, cow)
   b’àak
   bone
   baach
   type of pheasant
   b’àač
   chachalaca Ortalis vertula
   baal
   brother-in-law
   b’àal
   brother-in-law
   beel
   road, occupation; condition;
   b’èel
   road, occupation
    sin, fault, mistreatment
   ceeb
   belch
   kèeb’
   belch
   ix coochol
   large crickets
   š kòočol
   cricket
   yeeb
   fog, dew
   yèeb’
   fog, dew
   nooy
   pith, kernel, flesh
   nòoy
   pith, kernel
   paal
   young boy or girl
   pàal
   infant, child, minor
   toon
   penis
   tòon
   penis
   They imply that contrastive vowel length existed in Colonial Yucatec and is still present today (see 2.3.2.3.
   in Chapter 3).
   2.3. ABBREVIATIONS. Only one Maya word is systematically abbreviated in Colonial texts, namely yetel
   ‘with, and.’ It is usually represented graphemically as y, in which guise it resembles the Spanish word y,
   whose meaning ‘and’ is similar (although the Book of Chilam Balam of Kaua [V. Bricker and Miram 2002:249]
   contains one example of Spanish y ‘and’ spelled as ll, suggesting a misunderstanding of Spanish spelling
   conventions, which reserve ll for the word-initial and intervocalic positions, as in llano ‘plain’ and martillo
   ‘hammer’). There are, however, alternative abbreviations for yetel, including ytel, yt., and .y. . The yt. form
   resembles the abbreviation for the Latin word ytem ‘and also,’ the meaning of which is also similar. yetel
   ORTHOGRAPHY 17
   is occasionally spelled out in full (as yetel or lletel), and in rare instances the tail of the “y” is barred in the
   unabbreviated version of the word: yetel.
   The Maya scribe borrowed the Spanish convention of abbreviating words ending in nasals, either /n/ or
   /m/, by deleting the final consonant and placing a tilde (~) over the antecedent vowel:
   (26)
   Word-Final
   Phonetic spelling
   Gloss
   bolõ
   b’olon nine
   cã kan four
   lahũ
   laxun ten
   mehê mexen
   man’s child
   tũ
   túun then
   tumê
   t u mèen because
   tħã
   t’àan
   word, language
   xamã šaman north
   yã yàan exists
   yũ
   yùum father
   Intervocalic nasals were sometimes treated in the same way:
   (27)
   Intervocalic
   Phonetic spelling
   Gloss
   mãik manik’
   seventh day of Maya week
   nũya
   núumyah suffering
   tãcaz tamkas seizure
   tãcoch táankoč
   half
   tãxel táanšel foreign
   Occasionally, other consonants were deleted in spellings of Maya words, using either a tilde, or a period (.),
   or both to indicate that a letter was missing:
   (28)
   Abbreviation
   Phonetic spelling
   Gloss
   ãy.k.l. ayik’al
   rich, wealthy
   culubű
   k u lúub’ul
   it falls
   cuzű
   k u sùut
   it returns
   yahã.cã
   y ahal-kàab’ dawn
   yahãlil
   y ahawlil
   his reign
   In none of these sets of examples does the tilde represent a nasalized vowel.
   Colonial texts abound with abbreviations of Spanish loans:
   (29)
   Abbreviation
   Full spelling
   Gloss
   Aguar.e aguardiente rum
   Alc.es alcaldes magistrates
   Al.o Alonso Alonso
   a.s años years
   bar.me Bartholomé Bartholomew
   capp.n capitán captain
   18 ORTHOGRAPHY
   D.s Dios God
   ess.no escribano scribe
   Gou.or gobernador governor
   jph Joseph Joseph
   ju.o Juan John
   mag. magestad majesty
   nob.e noviembre November
   P.e padre priest
   reg.r regidor aldermen
   s.n San saint
   s.or señor Mr.
   th.nte theniente lieutenant
   ͠Xpoual
   Christobal
   Christopher
   ͠Xpto
   cristiano
   christian
   For the most part, they follow the abbreviation conventions of Spanish.
   NOTES
   1. ii was normally written as ij in sixteenth-century Spanish (see 2.2. below).
   2. Not all doubled vowels imply the presence of a medial or final glottal stop. In some cases, they indicate
   only that a vowel is long (see 2.2. below).
   CHAPTER 3
   PHONOLOGY
   This chapter considers syllable structure and phonological processes that result from the concatenation of
   syllables across morpheme boundaries. It also examines stress and the history of the development of tone
   in Colonial and Modern Yucatec. Topics such as juncture and intonation that normally come under the pur-
   view of phonology are not recoverable from written texts and therefore will not be discussed in this work.
   1. ROOT-BASED PHONOLOGICAL PROCESSES
   1.1. CANONICAL ROOT SHAPES. The core of the word in Colonial Yucatec is the root, which occurs in two
   forms: CVC and CVCVC. Monosyllabic roots, composed of an initial consonant, a medial vowel, and a final
   consonant, are far more common than disyllabic roots. Because the orthography used for Colonial Yucatec
   did not include a symbol for the glottal stop, glottal-stop initial roots were written as VC (e.g., ac ‘grass,’ el
   ‘burn,’ ich ‘in, within,’ ol ‘heart, will, energy, spirit,’ and uk ‘drink’). Roots ending in glottal stops were writ-
   ten as CVV because terminal glottal stops were signalled by doubling the medial vowel (as in haa ‘water,’
   hee ‘egg,’ cii or cij ‘sweet,’ cħoo ‘rat, mouse,’ and tuu ‘stinky’). Roots ending in “h” were written as CV
   because root-final laryngeal “h” was marked by Ø (as in ba ‘self,’ le ‘lasso,’ ci ‘henequen,’ to ‘after,’ or ku
   ‘deity’). Thus, although the two laryngeal consonants were not marked by unique symbols, it was possible
   to distinguish them from each other in both initial and final position by contrasting hVC with VC (as in hol
   ‘hole’ versus ol ‘heart, will, energy, spirit’) and hV with hVV (as in he ‘here’ versus hee ‘egg’).
   The orthography did not distinguish between initial velar and laryngeal /h/; both were represented by
   the symbol “h” (hul [xul] ‘similar’ versus hul [hul] ‘arrive’). However, all words beginning with velar /h/ are
   grouped together in the Calepino de Motul, followed by all words beginning with laryngeal /h/. In final
   position, velar /h/ is represented by “h” and laryngeal /h/ by “Ø” (lah ‘all’ versus la ‘yes’). The same is true in
   medial position (çihan ‘born’ versus ‘çian ‘enchantment’).
   Some examples of the two types of roots appear in (1) and (2) below:
   (1)
   CVC root
   Phonetic spelling
   Gloss
   ah
   ʔax
   wake up
   buul
   b’úʔul
   beans
   ci kih henequen
   chac
   čak
   red, pink, orange
   hun xun
   one
   huun
   húʔun
   letter, paper
   19
   20 PHONOLOGY
   kin
   k’ìin
   day, sun
   kuch
   k’uč
   arrive
   lik
   líik’
   arise
   maa
   maʔ
   no, not
   tal tàal come
   tħan
   t’àan
   word, language
   uuy
   ʔúʔuy
   feel, hear
   (2)
   CVCVC root
   Phonetic spelling
   Gloss
   ahau
   ʔaxaw
   lord, ruler
   keken
   k’éek’en
   pig
   otoch
   ʔotoč
   home
   pixan
   pìišan
   soul
   tepal tèepal abundance
   ɮimin
   ȼíimin
   horse
   uinic wíinik human
   ulum
   ʔúulum
   turkey
   1.2. CO-OCCURRENCE RESTRICTIONS. All the consonants in Colonial Yucatec can begin and end syllables
   (McQuown 1967:209–229). The following general constraints operate on native CVC roots, restricting the
   consonants that can co-occur in initial and final position:1
   1. If the first consonant in such a syllable is a glottalized stop or affricate, its plain counterpart cannot
   appear at the end of that syllable, and vice versa (*k’___k, *k___k’).
   2. Furthermore, there cannot be two voiceless ejectives in the same root, unless they are identical in
   every respect (e.g., *k’___t’, *t’___k’).
   3. Affricates also exemplify a principle of consonant harmony, a syllable-conditioned process that pre-
   vents them from co-occurring in the same syllable if they do not share the same point of articulation
   (*ȼ___č, *ȼ___č’, *ȼ’___č, *ȼ’___č’, *č___ȼ, *č___ȼ’, *č’___ȼ, *č’___ȼ’).
   4. The one and only voiced ejective (b’) can co-occur with initial [p] and with any other stop or approx-
   imant with which it does not share the same point of articulation (*b’___p, *b’___p’, *b’___w, *p’___b’,
   *w___b’).
   The same restrictions apply to disyllabic roots, except that there is one attested violation of Rule 1 in Colo-
   nial (and Modern) Yucatec, namely that the surname Koyoc (phonetic [k’oyok]) contains both plain and
   glottalized k.
   1.3. VOWEL GRADES. The vowel in monosyllabic roots could be short, long, or rearticulated. The rearticula-
   tion results from the infixing of a glottal stop in the root, which is separated from the final consonant by a
   copy of the root vowel. In the Calepino de Motul, compiled during the second half of the sixteenth century,
   monosyllabic roots containing short vowels were represented as CVC. So, also, were many monosyllabic
   roots with complex vowels (either long or rearticulated). Complex vowels were sometimes doubled (e.g.,
   paal ‘child’; cuuc ‘elbow length’) and/or accented (e.g., ác ‘turtle, tortoise’; hóomol ‘sink, subside’), indicating that they were long or rearticulated and stressed. These clues to pronunciation were more frequent
   in representing disyllabic stems, usually in situations of semantic or grammatical ambiguity. They are dis-
   cussed at length in 2.3.2.
   PHONOLOGY 21
   1.4. AFFIXES. Inflectional and derivational processes are signalled by prefixing or suffixing grammatical
   morphemes with the following shapes to the root: C, CV, V, VC, VCC, and CVC.
   1.4.1. PREFIXES. The most common prefixes in Colonial Yucatec are the clitic pronouns:
   (3)
   Pronoun
   Phonetic spelling
   Gloss
   in ~ inu
   (ʔ)in ~ (ʔ)iŋw
   I, my
   a ~ au
   (ʔ)a ~ (ʔ)aw
   you, your
   u ~ uy
   (ʔ)u ~ (ʔ)uy
   he, she, it; his, her, its
   c ~ ca
   k ~ ka
   we, our
   In the prefixes that are represented as V (a and u), VC (au and uy), and VCC (iŋu) in the Colonial orthogra-
   phy, the glottal stop appears only when the prefix is in initial position. The other syllable shape
s, C (c) and
   CV (ca), can occur in initial position without modification.
   Two other prefixes, ah (phonetic [ʔax]) and ix (phonetic [ʔiš]), have a variety of functions. In agentive
   expressions, ah often refers to men and ix to women, but ah can also have a broader agentive meaning,
   including roles monopolized by women, in its range (e.g., ah çacal ‘weaver’). Both ah and ix appear in
   botanical and faunal names, where gender is not an issue. They seem to function more generally as a kind
   of noun classifier (but see Lois 1998). Some examples of their multiple uses appear in (4) and (5) below:
   (4)
   Agentive
   Phonetic spelling
   Gloss
   ah cah
   ʔax kàax
   neighbor
   ah canan
   ʔax kanàan
   guardian
   ah cay
   ʔax kay
   fisherman
   ah col
   ʔax kòol
   farmer
   ah cħibal
   ʔax č’íʔib’al
   person of noble lineage
   ah hul
   ʔax hùul
   archer
   ah kin
   ʔax k’ìin
   priest
   ah max
   ʔax màaš
   wild chilli pepper
   ah mis
   ʔax mìis
   cat
   ah ohel
   ʔax ʔoxel
   witness
   ah pax
   ʔax pàaš
   musician
   ah çacal
   ʔax sakal
   weaver (female)
   ah tepal
   ʔax tèepal
   lord, sovereign
   ah tok
   ʔax tòok’
   bloodletter
   ah ɮab can
   ʔax ȼáab’-kàan
   rattlesnake
   ah ɔac
   ʔax ȼ’àak
   doctor, surgeon
   ah uaay
   ʔax wáay
   witch
   (5)
   Agentive
   Phonetic spelling
   Gloss
   ix ahau
   ʔiš ʔahaw
   queen
   ix balche
   ʔiš b’áal-čeʔ
   Lonchocarpus longistylis Pittier
   ix al
   ʔiš ʔàal
   woman lately delivered
   ix cħup
   ʔiš č’up
   woman
   ix kan tun bub
   ʔiš k’áan-tun-b’úub’
   Melampodium divaricatum (L. Rich.) DC
   ix kokob
   ʔiš k’óok’ob’
   a type of snake
   ix mehen
   ʔiš mèehen
   man’s daughter; small
   ix nuc
   ʔiš nùuk
   old woman of more than 50 years
   22 PHONOLOGY
   1.4.2. SUFFIXES. There are more suffixes than prefixes in Colonial Yucatec, which have a variety of shapes
   and functions:
   (6)
   

 A Historical Grammar of the Maya Language of Yucatan (1557-2000)
A Historical Grammar of the Maya Language of Yucatan (1557-2000)